'Don't let human rights criminals lead this country again'

Tribune News - July 27, 2012

Bahri Kurniawan, Jakarta – Commemorating 16 years since the attack on the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters on July 27, 1996, banners and a billboard filled the former site of the PDI office on Jl. Diponegoro in Central Jakarta.

The billboard read: "Don't let the perpetrators of human rights crimes return to leading this country again...!!!", accompanied by a narration recalling the incident.

On July 24, 1996 a meeting was held at the Jakarta Military Command (Kodam Jaya) chaired by then Kodam Jaya chief of staff, Brigadier General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, where a decision was taken to attack the Pro-Mega (Megawati Sukarnoputri) PDI office, which would then be taken over by Kodam Jaya.

The July 27 incident did not just end with the arrest and trial of Pro-Megawati PDI members, but had a broader impact with the arrest of many other pro-democracy activists.

Also displayed on the billboard are the names of officials alleged to have been involved in the attack, including among others, General Feisal Tanjung (then the chief of the Armed Forces), Police General Dibyo Widodo (National Police Chief), Syarwan Hamid (Military Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Suwarno Adi Wijaya (Military Assistant for Social and Political Affairs), Major General Soetoyo (Director General for Social and Political Affairs at the Home Affairs Ministry), Major General Yusuf Kertanegara (Assistant to the Armed Forces Chief of General Staff), Brigadier General Zaki Anwar Makarim (Armed Forces Intelligence Chief), Major General Sutiyoso (Jakarta Military Commander), Major General Hamami Nata (Jakarta Police Chief), Brigadier General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (Jakarta Military Command Chief of Staff), Colonel Haryanto (Assistant Jakarta Military Command Chief of Staff), Joko Santoso (Jakarta Military Command Assistant for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Tri Tamtomo (Infantry Brigade Commander I for Jakarta Security), Colonel Sudi Silalahi (private secretary to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Syamsiar Wangsadipraja (Personal Aide to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Yahya Secawirya (Personal Aide to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff for Social and Political Affairs), Colonel Rusli (Armed Forces Intelligence) Lieutenants Colonel Leonard (Armed Forces Intelligence), Lieutenant Colonel Budi Purnama (Jakarta Military Command), Police Colonel Indro Waskito (Jakarta Police Operational Control Command Center Chief), Lieutenant Colonel Zul Efendy (Central Jakarta District Military Commander), Police Lieutenant Colonel Abu Bakar (Jakarta District Police Chief) and Police Major Sunaryo (Mobile Brigade).

A red circle is drawn around the section where it cites the Jakarta Military Command Chief of Staff, now President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. According to a sympathiser who happened to be at the location, a commemoration of the July 27 incident will be held at the State Place. "My colleagues are currently at the Palace", they said.

Notes

Following weeks of protests at the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) headquarters in Central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters after the Suharto regime engineered Megawati Sukarnoputri's removal as the party's democratically elected chairperson, on July 27, 1966, paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police. Many hoped that with Megawati's ascendancy to the presidency in 2002 those responsible would be held accountable however Megawati (who was reportedly was informed beforehand of the impending attack on the PDI headquarters) and other leading party figures have publicly distanced themselves from the issue and have refused to attend annual commemorations. Those who were eventually brought to trial in late 2003 were all low ranking soldiers or civilians and have either been acquitted for lack of evidence or given light sentences. None of those believed to have organised or led the attack have been brought to trial.

[Peringati Tragedi 27 Juli, Spanduk Penuhi Eks Markas PDI - Tribunnews.com. Jumat, 27 Juli 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]

The clandestine PRD, from jungle meetings to religious camouflage

Merdeka.com - July 25, 2012

Laurencius Simanjuntak – Founded on July 22, 1996, or when Suharto's New Order regime was still savage and cruel, it was not an easy time for the People's Democratic Party (PRD). Moreover the social-democrat orientated party explicitly declared its opposition to Suharto's power.

"The New Order has been in power for 30 years, eight months and 22 days", cried PRD General Chairperson Budiman Sudjatmiko, counting the time that Suharto had been in power. Sudjatmiko's speech, which later became known as the Party Manifesto, was read out on July 22, 1996, or 16 years ago.

The PRD's declaration at the offices of the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) in Central Jakarta was clearly not a 'sporadic' movement because the New Order was completely ruthless. But the PRD's revolutionary ideals at that time were indeed serious. Long before it was declared as a party, the PRD, which was originally called the People's Democratic Union (Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik, PRD), had already been operating clandestinely.

"We usually held consolidations by constantly moving from place to place so that the intelligence officers wouldn't get wind of us", said Sudjatmiko when speaking with Merdeka.com in Jakarta on Wednesday July 25.

As everyone knows, during the period when he was in power, Suharto deployed security officers down to the village level to sniff out indications of movements opposed to his authoritarian administration. "If a single hair fell, Suharto would know", went the phrase about the ruler in those days.

It was in order to stay under Suharto's radar that the PRD often avoided public gatherings when they wanted to hold discussions or consolidation meetings. But the jungles and mountain slopes provided an alternative.

"We once held a meeting in a tobacco plantation at the far eastern end of the Jakarta sea, which we reached by riding a boat for hours", related Sudjatmiko, who is now an Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislator in the House of Representatives.

Most of the time however, said Sudjatmiko, meetings were held at pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools) or seminaries. "Because coincidentally many PRD activists came from pesantren circles or aspiring priest that failed", said Sudjatmiko laughing.

In the task of camouflaging meetings, Faisol Riza was the champion. With a pesantren background, the slim young man who is now a special staff member to the Minister of Labour and Transmigration, often used his networks with Islamic teachers (kiai) at the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) pesantrens as a place to conduct their slander. For seminaries meanwhile, the PRD often used the networks of one of its members, Fransisca Ria Susanti.

"Once there was a time when security personnel forced their way in, we immediately placed the Koran in front of us and hid the congress documents by sitting on them", he said.

In order that they would be easy to hid, said Sudjatmiko, the documents or discussion reading materials were printed in the form of small brochures. "So the font was very very small", said Sudjatmiko frowning.

However the spiritual gathering camouflage did not always go smoothly. If they got wind of intelligence officers, said Sudjatmiko, usually pesantren kiai or pastors who took care of the seminaries would use their authority to prevent the intelligence officers from entering.

"The reason [they would give] was that those inside were religious pupils who were studying or university students who were on a spiritual retreat", he said.

All of those in the clandestine movement faced these kinds of dangers, said Sudjatmiko, pointing out that the struggle for democracy against the New Order dictatorship was not just a physical or practical struggle. "But also a theoretical struggle", he said.

Meaning, continued Sudjatmiko, the PRD demanded that their cadre were no only adept at organising the masses, facing the muzzle of a gun or teargas, but they were also obliged to read and write articles to explain the arguments behind their political positions.

"They had to be ready to train in everything without facilities. They had to be ready for any kind of situation, in plantations, in jungles, on beaches, in pesantrens, on campus or seminaries", he said.

Although the revolutionary ideals failed in the end, the underground PRD movement after so many years brought about results that were not too disappointing. The PRD was able to establish no less than 14 offices at the provincial level and 150 or so branches at the regency or municipal level. In the 1999 elections, the party allocated number 16 on the ballot paper and still in its infancy succeeded in garnering 78,000 votes.

The Diaspora of PRD cadre has also been diverse. There are those that have become legislators, special staff to the president, ministerial spokespersons, senior NGO figures, reputable journalists, trade union leaders, defenders of tobacco farmers and regional political party leaders. And none of this would have been possible without struggle. (did)

Notes

Following Megawati Sukarnoputri's popular election as chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in 1996, the Suharto regime, who feared a PDI lead Megawati (who could draw upon the tremendous popularity of her father Sukarno, the founding president of Indonesia) might threaten the state party Golkar's dominance in the upcoming 1997 elections, sponsored a rebel PDI congress in Medan, North Sumatra, and succeeded in replacing her with their own pro-regime candidate, Suryadi. Following weeks of protests and the occupation of party's headquarters in central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters, on July 27, 1996 paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police which was blamed on the People's Democratic Party, who's members were hunted down and arrested as the masterminds behind the riots.

[Klandestin PRD, rapat di hutan sampai kamuflase pengajian - Merdeka.com. Rabu, 25 Juli 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]

The PRD Diaspora, 16 years on

Merdeka.com - July 24, 2012

Laurencius Simanjuntak – The revolutionary ideals of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) founded 16 years ago were thwarted. The New Order regime of former President Suharto in a rage of fury obliterated the party only a few months after it was declared on July 22, 1996. PRD leaders and cadre in the regions were hunted down, abducted, tortured and jailed.

Several among them have never "returned home" to this day. They include Wiji Thukul, Petrus Bima Anugerah, Suyat and Herman Hendrawan, who were among the 13 people that were abducted by the army's elite Special Forces Kopassus in 1997-1998. However not all the stories of former PRD activists are as grim as Wiji Thukul and his comrades.

Others among them are now enjoying the fruits of reformasi (the political reform process that began in 1998). There are those that are living well-to-do lives, that have joined other political parties, and some that have even become businesspeople. In spite of this a few of them are still active in the "underground" movement or have chosen the path of solitude.

"The PRD alumni have followed different paths in life. There are those who have become politicians, businesspeople, journalists, university lecturers, researchers at home and overseas, become village heads, become kiai (religious teachers), cultural observers and so fourth", said Budiman Sudjatmiko, the former general chairperson of the PRD when speaking with Merdeka.com on Tuesday July 24.

Sudjatmiko, who was once jailed by the Suharto regime after being accused of being the mastermind behind the July 27, 1996 riots in Jakarta, is now pursuing a career in politics with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). He now sits as a member of the House of Representatives for the period 2009-2014. Sudjatmiko's decision to join the party of the bull as the PDI-P is known, is not in fact that strange, bearing in mind that the PRD once supported Megawati Sukarnoputri, now the general chairperson of the PDI-P, as a presidential candidate to replace Suharto.

Unlike Sudjatmiko who is in the opposition camp, many ex-members of the social-democrat orientated PRD have also settled in the executive branchs of government. These include Andi Arief who is now a special presidential staff member for social affairs and disaster management. When Sudjatmiko was incarcerated in Cipinang prison, Arief was the person who held the reigns of the party. The man who used to go by the alias of Mirah Mahardika was also a victim of the 1997-1998 abductions.

There are still other ex-PRD activists in the administration, such as Dita Indah Sari and Faisol Riza. The two, both of whom were once jailed, are now special staff members to the Minister of Labour and Transmigration, a position that is not strange since both were involved in the labour movement.

Not all ex-PRD members however are active in the world of politics. Petrus Haryanto for example, is now a businessperson in the publishing industry. The former PRD secretary general now manages a small printing company. Quite different from Raharjo Waluyo Jati, who was once one of the PRD's deputy chairpersons. Jati is now active in the tobacco farmers' movement after previously heading up Radio VHR (Voice of Human Rights). Nezar Patria meanwhile, who was the acting PRD secretary while Haryanto was in jail, is now an executive director with the news portal VIVAnews.com.

The option chosen by Henry Kuok is perhaps been the most "desolate" among his former comrades. After completing his legal doctorate in Washington, the former PRD representative on the General Elections Commission (KPU) is now a pastor working with the poor in an urban slum in Chicago.

Sudjatmiko says that the experiences they had together struggling for democracy under Suharto's New Order regime were very strong, because they put their lives on the line. "I'm convinced that this experience is not easy to wipe away, and if the people and history call again, they will not hesitate to again become involved in achieving the goal of freedom for Indonesia", said Sudjatmiko.

Perhaps, he continued, the method used will not be exactly the same as before. "But with the skills, networks and ideas that they acquired in their current fields of life", he said. "I believe that they still feel they have an obligation to complete their historical tasks." (ian)

Notes

Following Megawati Sukarnoputri's popular election as chairperson of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) in 1996, the Suharto regime, who feared a PDI lead Megawati (who could draw upon the tremendous popularity of her father Sukarno, the founding president of Indonesia) might threaten the state party Golkar's dominance in the upcoming 1997 elections, sponsored a rebel PDI congress in Medan, North Sumatra, and succeeded in replacing her with their own pro-regime candidate, Suryadi. Following weeks of protests and the occupation of party's headquarters in central Jakarta by pro-Megawati PDI supporters, on July 27 paid thugs backed by the military attacked and destroyed the PDI offices resulting in the death of as many as 50 people. Popular outrage at the attack sparked several days of mass rioting and violent clashes with police which was blamed on the People's Democratic Party, who's members were hunted down and arrested as the masterminds behind the riots.

[Diaspora Partai Rakyat Demokratik setelah 16 tahun - Merdeka.com. Selasa, 24 Juli 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]

Corruptors, generals and activists prominent in new Gerindra leadership

Berita Satu - July 12, 2012

Ezra Sihite/Rizky Amelia/Ulin Yusron – It's not just Ahok that has been brought into the central leadership board, but scores of retired generals have also joined the ranks of the Greater Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra Party) elite. In addition to this, there are family members and activists.

Gerindra is very happy at the moment. The candidates they backed along with the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) in the Jakarta gubernatorial election – Joko Widodo as governor and Basuki Tjahaja Purnama alias Ahok as deputy governor – have won the first round of the election.

Ahok's decision to leave the House of Representatives and the party he previously defended, the Golkar Party, has proved to be the correct one. Ahok was chosen by the Gerindra Party who accommodated and pushed him to become candidate for the Jakarta gubernatorial election.

Within the structure of the Gerindra Party's new central leadership board resulting form the party's extraordinary congress on March 17, according to a leak obtain by Berita Satu, Ahok has been rewarded with the position of chairperson for political and state affairs.

Ahok is nestled in between a leadership numbering 314 people. Of this, 99 are women. This exceeds the quota set by the 2009 election law requiring a party's central leadership board to have a minimum composition of 30 percent women.

A document obtained by Berita Satu also cites scores of retired generals from various wings of the TNI (Indonesian military) and national police as being members of the party's board of patrons. These include, among others, retired Lieutenant General (Mar) Suharto, retired Rear Admiral Moekhlas Sidik, retired Major General Glenny Kairupan, retired Major General Johnny Wahab, retired Major General Mahidin Simbolon, retired air force Brigadier General Mutanto Juwono, retired Major General Soenarko and retired police Inspector General Tommy Jakobus.

The other board of patrons members are former prominent Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) leaders Haryanto Taslam and Permadi. Other interesting figures among the ranks of the advisory board are Major General Chairawan, the former commander of the Sandi Yudha Group 4 from the Army's elite Special Forces Kopassus, who was in charge of the Rose Team (Tim Mawar) that was responsible for the abduction of pro-democracy activists between May 1997 and March 1998. Chairawan is the chairperson of the security and national resilience division.

The advisory board is headed up by Major General Haryadi Darmawan with a membership including former Bank Indonesia governor Sudrajat Djiwandono, a former convicted criminal jailed for corruption involving Bank Indonesia Liquidity Support Scheme (BLBI) funds.

The board of experts is chaired by former Bank Indonesia governor Burhanuddin Abdullah, also a former convicted criminal jailed for corruption over the misuse of Indonesian Banking Development Institute (YPPI) funds totalling 100 billion rupiah. Also quite striking in the board of expert's lineup is the inclusion of former labour and transmigration minister Erman Soeparno. In addition to this the secretary general of the Indonesian Farmers Association (HKTI), Rahmat Pambudi, is also included in the board of expert's lineup.

From activist and non-government organisation circles is the former director of the Jakarta Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) Irianto Subiakto, who is listed as the head of the human rights department. Agus Jabo Priyono, the general chairperson of the People's Democratic Party (PRD) holds the post of chairperson for potential election mapping.

Meanwhile long-term board members who were once victims of the activist abductions by Kopassus in 1997-98, namely Desmond J. Mahesa and Pius Lustrilanang remain in the ranks of the new central leadership board.

The shakeup of the new Gerindra central leadership board was initially leaked to the mass media by technology affairs chairperson Fami Fahrudin. A number of long-term leadership board members have been replaced by scores of generals. Tensions within the new leadership board resulting from the extraordinary congress have already resulted in casualties with the resignation of one of the party's founding members and deputy chairperson Halida Hatta.

Gerindra Secretary General Ahmad Muzani stated that the change in Gerindra's central leadership board was the result of the extraordinary congress, which gave a mandate to the sole leader designate, board of patron's chairperson Prabowo Subianto. "There are names that been promoted, there have been additions, there have been demotions, all of the demotions were done with the prerogative consideration of the board of patrons chairperson", said Muzani.

The most prominent members of the Gerindra's new central leadership board are the scores of generals. The inclusion of these retired generals, according to a Berita Satu source, was the trigger for the internal rift within Gerindra.

In addition to the generals, tensions were also caused by the many leadership board members who are part of Subianto's extended family. There are even leadership board members who are mother and child, or father and child. "The chairperson of the board of patrons has subjective and objective grounds for promoting and dismissing anyone in accordance with the congress", said Muzandi.

New Gerindra Party central leadership board lineup:

• Board of patrons chairperson: Prabowo Subianto
• Advisory board chairperson: Major General Haryadi Darmawan
• Board of experts chairperson: Burhanuddin Abdullah
• Central leadership board general chairperson: Suhardi
• Deputy chairperson for political and security affairs: Fadli Zon
• Deputy chairperson for people's welfare: Ny. Sumarjati Arjoso
• Deputy chairperson for financial affairs and national development: Edhy Prabowo
• Deputy chairperson for economic affairs: Murphy Hutagalung
• Deputy chairperson for organisation and membership affairs: Widjono Hardjanto

Notes

Many of the retired military officers in the new central leadership board have controversial backgrounds: Lieutenant General (Mar) Suharto is a former Marine corps commander credited with bringing the May 1988 riots in Jakarta under control; Major General Glenny Kairupan served as deputy sub-regional military command commander in East Timor in the mid-1990s and managed the anti-independence militia program as 'security advisor' to Major General Zacky Makarim during the East Timor independence referendum; Major General Johnny Wahab was the regional military commander in Aceh when the province was designated a military operations zone; Major General Mahidin Simbolon is a former West Papua military commander who served six tours of duty in East Timor and was a key actor in the military campaign of state-sponsored terror against the East Timorese; Major General Soenarko is a former Kopassus commander who in 2009 headed the Aceh regional military command and has been accused of playing a role in politically-motivated assassinations in the 2009 elections; Inspector General Tommy Jakobus is a former West Papua police chief. Suharto's former son-in-law and Kopassus commander Prabowo Subianto, along with Chairawan and Gerindra Party founding member Muchdi Purwoprandjono (accused of masterminding the murder of human rights activist Munir) were dismissed from the Kopassus leadership in August 1998 over the abduction of pro-democracy activists in 1997-98, although no charges have ever been brought against the three.

[Pengurus Baru Gerindra: 314 Pengurus, Puluhan Jenderal dan Aktivis - Beritasatu.com. Kamis, 12 Juli 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]

Government accused of hypocrisy over Palestine, West Papua

Soreang Online - July 5, 2012

Bung Wir, Bandung – Representatives of the Papuan people from the group National Papuan Solidarity (NAPAS) held a protest action at the Merdeka Building on Jl. Asia-Afrika in the West Java provincial capital of Bandung on Wednesday July 5.

During the action they said that Indonesian government is creating space and providing a place to resolve the Palestine problem, meanwhile the conflict in Papua continues to this day and receives no attention.

According to national public relations officer of NAPAS, Frans Tomoki, in the 50 years since West Papua became a part of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), carnage, murder and terror has been continuously launched against the Papuan people, simply in the economic and political interests of liberalism and capitalism that seeks to exploit Papua's riches.

According to Amnesty International, two million Papuan people have perished at the hands of the Indonesian military, and efforts at dialogue by Papuan social figures have invariably been rejected by the regime of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Boediono, on various grounds.

The prolonged conflict that is taking place has resulted in a humanitarian crisis in West Papua. As a result the Papuan people have remained poor compared with the Indonesian people outside of Papua.

The Indonesian delegation taking part in the International Conference For The Freedom of Al Quds and Palestine, which is being held in Bandung on July 4-5 and attended by representatives from 135 countries, supported and recommended Palestinian independence from Israel.

Meanwhile, the West Papuan people's fate has been the same as the Palestinian people, who are oppressed by Israel. The Papuan people have been oppressed since the New Order regime of former President Suharto until now under the Yudhoyono regime and the impression is that Papua is being allowed, even being turned into a map of conflict.

"Our struggle is indeed different from the people of Palestine, we are struggling through demonstrations while in Palestine they struggle by taking up arms", said Tomoki.

Because of this therefore, we are demanding that the participants of the conference seek a resolution to the conflict in Papua [by calling on] the Indonesian government to withdraw all organic and non-organic troops and the international community to pay attention to the fate of the Papuan people. (bung wir/den)

[Rakyat Papua Demo di Depan Gedung Merdeka - Soreang Online.com. Kamis, 5 Juli 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]

Yogyakarta activists question police commitment in Irshad Manji attack

Kompas - July 4, 2012

Yogyakarta – Scores of activists from the Yogyakarta Women's Network (JPY) in the Central Java city of Yogyakarta demonstrated at the regional police headquarters on Tuesday July 3.

They were expressing their disappointment with the Yogyakarta police's failure to take action against several mass organisations that forcibly broke up a discussion of a book by Irshad Manji on May 9 at the offices of the Institute for Islamic and Social Studies (LKIS).

The JPY's attorney from the Yogyakarta Legal Aid Foundation (LBH), Hamzal Wahyudin, said that exactly one day after the anarchistic incident the JPY and the LBH reported the case to the Yogyakarta police. They also presented five witnesses complete with evidence such as video recordings of the incident, photographs and media reports.

"We have now provided three additional witnesses. Yet why are the police instead asking us to cite who the perpetrators are. That should be the police's job", he said.

JPY representative Ika Yuni said that the forced breakup of the book discussion by Canadian author Irshad Manji occurred 50 days ago, yet the police have still not been unable to arrest the perpetrators. "We expect the Yogyakarta regional police to have the genuine will to fully investigate this case, particularly the intellectual actors behind the attack", she said.

According to the head the sub-district I Yogyakarta regional police criminal investigation bureau for state security, Deputy Senior Commissioner Djuhamdani, the Yogyakarta regional police have twice summoned witnesses over incident but they failed to turn up. "As long as no witnesses report [the incident], we can't process it", he explained.

Nevertheless, said Djuhamdani, the Yogyakarta police have a strong commitment to fully resolve the case.

Several members of the mass organisations that were involved have been questioned by police. They are members of several different groups including the Kabah Youth Movement (GPK, an Islamic group affiliated with United Development Party), the Anti-Maksiat Movement (Movement against Immorality/Violation of God's law, GAM) and the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI).

Tri Wahyu from the Yogyakarta People's Alliance against Violence (Aman Tenan) said that the forced breakup of the Irshad Manji book discussion was a simple case. Nevertheless, the police are giving the impression that they are reluctant to resolve the case.

"The police have proven themselves capable of uncovering terrorism cases that are far more complex. Meanwhile they have been slow in cracking this simple case. Yet there is an abundance of evidence and witnesses", he said. (ABK)

[Aktivis Pertanyakan Keseriusan Polisi Usut Pelaku - Kompas. Rabu, 04 Juli 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]

Solidarity action in Jakarta slams police brutality in West Papua

Suara Papua - July 3, 2012

Oktovianus Pogau, Jakarta – Scores of youths and students from the group Papuan National Solidarity (NAPAS) held a peaceful action in front of the Indonesian national police headquarters and the State Palace in Jakarta on the afternoon of Monday July 2 in protest against the spate of recent shootings in West Papua.

The 25 or so demonstrators, who arrived at the police headquarters in a Kopaja bus at around 11am, brought posters and unfurled two large banners about human rights violations.

Taking turns, the protesters gave speeches saying that the police are the actors behind and the ones responsible for the human rights violations in West Papua, particularly the spate shootings that have been taking place over the last few months.

Action coordinator Frans Tomoki said in a speech that the spate of recent shootings in West Papua is just a plot by the Indonesian government, specifically the police, to scapegoat the pro-democracy movement in West Papua.

“This [year's] national police anniversary is smeared in the blood of Papuan people. KNPB [West Papua National Committee] deputy chairperson Mako Tabuni was shot dead without any clear grounds. When there are shooting incidents, the security forces always cite unknown persons (OTK). The police must back this up, and take responsibility, and immediately put a stop to the spate of shooting cases that have been taking place in the land of Papua", said Tomoki.

Tomoki added that the presence of large numbers of TNI (Indonesian military) and police in West Papua is not to safeguard, protect and watch over the Papuan people, but rather to murder and commit gross human rights violations against civilians.

Surya Anta from the People's Liberation Party (PPR) called for an immediate end to human rights violations in West Papua and for [an investigation] to find out who is behind the shootings.

At around 12.30pm the demonstrators headed towards the bus to continue the action at the Presidential Palace in Central Jakarta. Before the protesters set out for the Palace, staff from the police headquarters requested that representatives from the demonstrators meet with them to discuss the aims of the action so that it can be followed up. Tomoki however refused to meet with police.

"We've already met with them many times, but not one demand has been addressed. They consider our voices to be rubbish, so it's preferable for us not to meet with them again", Tomoki told Suara Papua during a break in the action.

The demonstrators arrived at the State Palace at 1pm precisely. Scores of police in full uniform as well as dozens of police 'thugs' in civilian clothing were on alert to secure the action.

Otis Tipagau, the chairperson of the Semarang Papua Student Communication Forum (FKMP-S) called on the TNI and police to take responsibility for the spate of shootings in West Papua. "The national police are celebrating their anniversary here in Jakarta, but in Papua security forces continue to conduct brutal shootings and commit gross human rights violations", shouted Tipagau.

Satisfied after giving speeches, NAPAS coordinator Marten Goo read out a statement by NAPAS to coincide with 66th national police anniversary, saying the police are still committing humanitarian crimes in the land of Papua.

In the statement NAPAS demanded: First, that the police immediately end the stigmatisation and scapegoating of the Papuan people and activists; second, that the police immediately and unconditionally release Bucthar Tabuni and other political prisoners; third that the police immediately and transparently uncover who is behind the OTK shootings; fourth that the police immediately stop sending additional police to West Papua and withdraw Densus 88 (the counter-terrorist unit Detachment 88) from West Papua; fifth that the police immediately arrest the soldiers are carrying out the shooting of Papuan people; sixth, that those responsible for shooting Mako Musa Tabuni be brought to trial immediately; seventh, put an end to all forms of military businesses in Papua and; eighth, stop sending 'invisible' troops to West Papua.

After reading out the statement, the protesters then disbanded in an orderly fashion. The action was also attended by Papuan student representatives from Semarang (Central Java), Bogor (West Java), Salatiga (Central Java) and Jakarta.

[NAPAS: HUT Polri Berlumuran Darah Rakyat Papua - Suara Papua. 03 July 2012. Translated by James Balowski.]